The content is based on the Forest Social lecture “Forest Sami and Sami Forests” held on October 25, 2023 organised by the Future Forests research platform for all the students from Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU) and Umeå University. The lecture was delivered by Gudrun Norstedt, research fellow at Várdduo-Centre för Sámi Research, Umeå University.
In Sweden, there are currently a total of ten forest Sami communities, with nine located in Norrbotten county and one in Västerbotten county. For centuries, the forest Sami people have enriched their culture and traditions in the northern forest lands. These forest communities have endured a complex history, navigating the challenges of land allocation, cultural preservation, and the ever-changing landscapes.
This article delves into the history of the forest Sami from the 16th century to the present, depicting their challenges in land use, cultural identity, and the preservation of their way of life.
The initial reference to the forest Sami appeared in historical records in the 16th century Swedish forest taxation register then under the term of "granlappar". This document mentioned two major divisions within the Sami community: the "granlappar" and the "fjällappar." The granlappar lived in the forests year-round and paid taxes to Sweden, while the fjällappar spent summers in the alpine mountains and winters in the forests, paying taxes to the kingdom of Sweden and the kingdom of Denmark-Norway. While not identical to the granlappar, the modern forest Sami have preserved many of their granlappar’s traditions including living in the forests year-around.
Unlike the common perception of nomadic communities dwelling in tents, the forest Sami lived in timber huts and relied on various sources of sustenance, including boats, indicating their diverse modes of living. In the 17th century, the forest Sami's way of life revolved around a seasonal cycle, with three main historical subsistence modes of hunting, reindeer herding and fishing. Most importantly, having access to extensive forest lands during these times, the forest Sami could maintain a year-round livelihood with a diverse range of foods, including fish, meat, reindeer milk, cheese, plant-based foods for themselves, and lichen pastures for their reindeer. In the 18th century, reindeer herding became increasingly important among those three main subsistence modes.
In the late 17th century, a significant historical event in Lapland was the Swedish Royal Proclamation on colonisation in 1673. This proclamation primarily targeted Swedish and Finnish farmers to settle in and cultivate the lands in Lapland with the intention of increasing the population and tax revenues in the inlands of Lapland. It introduced the concept of the "theory of parallelism," assuming that these farming settlers could sustain themselves from resources that the Sami did not require, thereby allowing them to coexist without infringing on Sami land use.
However, in the subsequent centuries, the southernmost forest Sami gradually lost their lands, particularly during the 18th century. Factors included Sami abandoning their lands due to livelihood challenges and migration to coastal areas, and settlers taking over land for hunting and fishing etc. Due to the expansion of settlements into Lapland in the 19th century, including areas like Malå, settlers had to collect hay from the wetlands to feed their cattle. These hay meadows spread throughout the landscape, resulting in conflicts between settlers and the Sami, as reindeer also consumed the hay.
The 1873 land reform in Lapland, called delineation, aimed to expand farms with forest land. It allocated forest land to villages based on the total arable area, known as 'mantal,' of individual farms. This made farmers forest owners, with an average of approximately 4000 hectares per mantal in Lapland. At the same time, forest Sami could also be settlers yet, they were disadvantaged. In fact, the non-farming forest Sami did not receive any forest land where as the settler farmers received. This inequality exacerbated challenges for the forest Sami community.
Along with these changes, some of the forest Sami also transitioned into farming. In the historical context of Arvidsjaur in 1871, Maria Nilsdotter and her family represent a unique glimpse into the lives of the forest Sami. Both of her sons became farmers, known as "hemmansägare" in the early 19th century, and through the delineation process, they were allocated 1/32 mantal, equating to 37 hectares of forest land, including water and unproductive areas spanning 149 hectares.
As the forest Sami diversified their livelihoods, incorporating cattle herding and potato farming, it's important to underline that reindeer herding continued as their primary occupation, accompanied by fishing and hunting.
While land reforms allocated significant land portions to settlers as private property owners, forest Sami were not granted land ownership unless they shifted to farming. Yet, they were assured the preservation of their traditional rights in reindeer herding, hunting, and fishing. However, there are newspaper headlines emerging even today targeting the Sami communities, alleging that they were being granted special privileges.
This highlights the need to comprehend the complex dynamics and historical intricacies that shaped the forest Sami community’s lives in the face of evolving socio-economic landscapes.
The subsequent establishment of the cultivation border in Lapland holds profound historical significance, dating back to the mid-18th century and ultimately formalised in 1890. Originally conceived to safeguard Sami interests, the cultivation border's purpose evolved to prevent the farms in areas deemed unpromising for cultivation. Today, the cultivation border holds relevance, particularly in the context of reindeer herding, where differing regulations apply to Sami reindeer herders situated to the west and east of this border.
On the west of the cultivation border, Sami herders need to compensate for reindeer damage to cultivated land including gardens between June and August. However, hunting and fishing on state-owned land are restricted if they adversely affect reindeer husbandry, with a corresponding fee paid to the Sami community. The Girjas Sami district, located by this border, holds the sole right to decide on hunting and fishing within that area through the Girjas case. However, the whole land along this border is state-owned and managed by Fastighetsverket.
In contrast, east of the cultivation border, where arable land and gardens are more abundant, the compensation period for reindeer damage extends specifically throughout May and September. Much of the state land in this area has been transferred to Sveaskog, Sweden's largest forest owner engaged in forestry. There are provisions for Sami people's hunting and fishing on state-owned land, whereas no provisions exist concerning allowing others to use that land and Sami community receives no compensations.
Additionally, several other industries operate along the east of the cultivation border, including mining, wind power, and railroads, presenting distinct challenges for forest Sami communities.
Today, the forest Sami find themselves in a dynamic landscape that has significantly evolved from their historical roots as land users. Still, compared to the other forest owners forest Sami owns a very little forest land. Additionally, the regulations governing reindeer damage compensation were created in a bygone era when farming and natural hay collection were integral to the economy.
Furthermore, Forest Sami reindeer herders often lack influence over the allocation of hunting and fishing rights on state land, which adds to the complexities of their way of life. They also navigate their livelihoods in a landscape shaped by intensive industrial forestry and the various impacts of other forms of land resource exploitation, including mining and windmill parks.
In such a situation, forest Sami face pressing questions about how to sustain their livelihood through reindeer husbandry and simultaneously preserve and develop their cultural heritage, deeply intertwined with the forest lands. These questions reflect the ongoing struggle to reconcile tradition and modernity, highlighting the resilience and determination of the forest Sami community as they strive to protect their heritage and way of life in the face of ever-changing, and often challenging, circumstances.
